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The Michigan Messenger going forward

By Staff Report | 11.16.11

I am writing today to announce the closure of the Michigan Messenger. After four years of operation in Michigan, the board of the American Independent News Network, has decided to shift publication of its news into a single site, The American Independent at Americanindependent.com. This is part of a shift in strategy, towards new forms [...]

Colorado-based abstinence program provided false and misleading information to Michigan students

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By Todd A. Heywood | 11.16.11

An abstinence-only presentation provided to numerous school districts in Calhoun and Eaton Counties in October of this year provided false and misleading information to students about HIV, experts allege.

Class action lawsuit filed against MERS over unpaid taxes

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By Todd A. Heywood | 11.15.11

Two county registers of deeds filed a class action lawsuit Monday on behalf of Michigan’s 83 counties alleging that the Mortgage Electronic Registration Services owes millions of dollars in property title transfer taxes.

Schuette fights important mercury regulations

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By Eartha Jane Melzer | 11.14.11

Despite evidence of the impact of mercury on children and public health, Michigan Attorney General Bill Schuette last month joined with 24 other state attorneys general in filing a lawsuit to scuttle new EPA regulations that would reduce mercury emissions from power plants.

Three Michigan GOP reps vote to protect gays against bias

By Ed Brayton | 11.12.07 | 11:07 am

The U.S. House of Representatives last week passed the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), legislation that adds sexual orientation to the list of forbidden reasons for firing or refusing to hire someone, by a vote of 235 to 184. Surprisingly, the winning margin included three Michigan Republicans with strong records of voting against legislation that advances equality for gays and lesbians. Those three are Candace Miller, Thaddeus McCotter and Joseph Knollenberg.

These votes are quite surprising given the previous track records of all three legislators on gay-rights issues. In the most recent Christian Coalition Congressional Scorecard, from 2004, all three legislators received very high scores: Miller a 91, Knollenberg a 94 and McCotter a perfect 100. (The Christian Coalition supports conservative causes.) By contrast, the Human Rights Campaign, which supports gay rights, has scorecards for that same year that gave Miller a 0, Knollenberg a 22 and McCotter an 11. The Human Rights Campaign makes its ranking based solely on how a candidate votes on gay-rights issues; the Christian Coalition has broader criteria, but gay-rights issues are a large part of their ranking as well. Suffice to say that none of these legislators has ever been considered supporters of equality for gays and lesbians.

Noel Siksai, president of the Michigan chapter of the Log Cabin Republicans, a group that supports gay rights, thinks those votes are explained by pure political calculation:

Continued -

“I think it’s political self-preservation. Knollenberg’s district is being targeted by Democrats and last time he only won with 52% of the vote. I think he wants to hold on to that seat a while longer. And Miller and McCotter may be afraid of falling like dominoes if Knollenberg does. They’ve seen that Joe is targeted and they want to shore up their standing before it gets to them. The demographics in their districts are changing, so it’s safer for them to vote for it than against it.”

The political realities in Washington may also make this vote a safe one because the bill is very unlikely to become law any time soon. It faces a more difficult fight in the Senate and even if it passes there, Bush has vowed to veto the bill. Without the votes to override such a veto, it is virtually impossible for this bill to become law before 2009 at the earliest. But that reality appears unlikely to appease the social conservative base in Michigan, as the votes were met with immediate denunciation by Gary Glenn, president of the American Family Association of Michigan:

“By voting with Barney Frank and homosexual activist groups, they ignored warnings by the White House, rejected the Republican Party platform, and thumbed their nose at the people of Michigan, who overwhelmingly voted to constitutionally protect marriage as only between one man and one woman.”

Glenn is calling for retribution on the three apostate Republicans, but for highly inaccurate reasons:

“We urge Michigan families to hold Knollenberg, McCotter, and Miller accountable for helping Barney Frank pass legislation that would — for the first time in federal law — grant recognition to so-called homosexual ‘marriage’ and create special rights based on sexual behavior.”

This is a red herring. ENDA has absolutely nothing to do with same-sex marriage. It only prohibits job discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. And as previously noted in my Rhetoric and Reality column on this subject, the notion that the bill engenders “special rights” when those making that criticism already have the very protections they’re seeking to deny to gays makes little sense. Whether such inaccurate rhetoric will have its intended effect remains to be seen, but Miller, Knollenberg and McCotter are not commenting. The Washington offices of all three legislators were contacted for comment; all three promised to call back with a statement and all three failed to do so.

Comments

  • chetly

    Siksai is wrong, and clearly either naive or spinning With respect to Siksai, the reasoning here is just plain wrong.  Just as wrong as Gary Glenn’s.  Since this is a column and you mention “Rhetoric & Reality”, let’s dispel the damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don’t rhetoric.

    First, Miller’s seat is considered very safe, and McCotter’s somewhat safe, even under the worst of political tides.  Yes, Knollenberg is in a targeted district – but there’s no domino of the type Siksai suggests.  But Knollenberg has in the past deviated from the Gary Glenn scorecard – on the federal gay marriage ban amendment in 04 he voted no – and that was long before there was any anti-Republican wave. In fact, it was a risky thing to do at the time. If you notice the pattern here – the metro-area Republicans voted one way, and the others the other way.  There are logical demographic & electoral reason for this, as well as the fact that this bill also had a provision in it that prohibits “preferential treatment” for gays along with prohibiting discrimination against them — indeed, as a matter of conscience, that clause alone makes this piece of legislation reasonable, and a mirror of the principles embodied in the MCRI-Proposal 2 of 2006 applying to race, ethnicity, and gender.

    Indeed, this law is as much a triumph for the anti-preferential treatment model of anti-discrimination law as it is anything else.  You’re right – it doesn’t relate to same-sex marriage, but since it prohibits preferential treatment, and is limited to employment law, I don’t think it presents a horrible precedent.  On the other hand, I would sympathize with Gary Glenn if he were to frame the issue as a matter of First Amendment associational and religious choice.  Of course, that argument was made in the 1960s against the Civil Rights Act dealing with racial discrimination.  So long as this law only prohibits employment discrimination though, and it clearly also prohibits preferential treatment, I’m with Knollenberg philosophically (the logical basis for that is complicated, but involves contract theory and government neutrality). I suspect that these folks might actually think some of these issues through when they vote – setting aside rhetoric and reality.

    Oh, and for the benefit of your editor, I’ve worked for Knollenberg’s son in the past, but might conceivably work for other “conservatives” adhering to Gary Glenn’s position.  I wonder if I’ve damaged myself here.

    Finally, I’m curious as to how long you gave the Washington offices to respond to your query.

  • chetly

    Siksai is wrong, and clearly either naive or spinning With respect to Siksai, the reasoning here is just plain wrong.  Just as wrong as Gary Glenn's.  Since this is a column and you mention “Rhetoric & Reality”, let's dispel the damned-if-you-do-damned-if-you-don't rhetoric.

    First, Miller's seat is considered very safe, and McCotter's somewhat safe, even under the worst of political tides.  Yes, Knollenberg is in a targeted district – but there's no domino of the type Siksai suggests.  But Knollenberg has in the past deviated from the Gary Glenn scorecard – on the federal gay marriage ban amendment in 04 he voted no – and that was long before there was any anti-Republican wave. In fact, it was a risky thing to do at the time. If you notice the pattern here – the metro-area Republicans voted one way, and the others the other way.  There are logical demographic & electoral reason for this, as well as the fact that this bill also had a provision in it that prohibits “preferential treatment” for gays along with prohibiting discrimination against them — indeed, as a matter of conscience, that clause alone makes this piece of legislation reasonable, and a mirror of the principles embodied in the MCRI-Proposal 2 of 2006 applying to race, ethnicity, and gender.

    Indeed, this law is as much a triumph for the anti-preferential treatment model of anti-discrimination law as it is anything else.  You're right – it doesn't relate to same-sex marriage, but since it prohibits preferential treatment, and is limited to employment law, I don't think it presents a horrible precedent.  On the other hand, I would sympathize with Gary Glenn if he were to frame the issue as a matter of First Amendment associational and religious choice.  Of course, that argument was made in the 1960s against the Civil Rights Act dealing with racial discrimination.  So long as this law only prohibits employment discrimination though, and it clearly also prohibits preferential treatment, I'm with Knollenberg philosophically (the logical basis for that is complicated, but involves contract theory and government neutrality). I suspect that these folks might actually think some of these issues through when they vote – setting aside rhetoric and reality.

    Oh, and for the benefit of your editor, I've worked for Knollenberg's son in the past, but might conceivably work for other “conservatives” adhering to Gary Glenn's position.  I wonder if I've damaged myself here.

    Finally, I'm curious as to how long you gave the Washington offices to respond to your query.